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The Brandenburg Gate
At first, seemingly without success. But at the end of the day, we are permitted to say: it worked! And all thanks to the newest standpoint of German Council on Foreign Relations (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik – DGAP). A document, signed by recognized experts of German political stage, states: “The Eastern Partnership is of central importance for the development of a foreign policy strategy for the European Union”.
Events from 6 February, taking place at the DGAP headquarters, were like a scene straight out of a Hollywood film. The hero seems to be suffering a total defeat; death is awaiting him; and then – a twist: newly arrived reinforcements are trouncing the enemy. The hero is saved, and gets the girl and the money. And that is how, poetically speaking, DGAP presented its document “German Foreign Policy and Eastern Partnership”. What we find inside is simply stunning – all efforts of creators of the EaP, and of those who have already engaged in the programme, remained intact and enter the next stage. Browsing through the 4-page document, authored by German leading experts – Markus Meckel, Georg Milbradt, Friedbert Pflüger, Christian Schwarz-Schilling, Rainder Steenblock, Rita Süssmuth, Günter Verheugen, Karsten D. Voigt – is like being in a dreamlike reality.
In the document, we read: “In order to accord the Eastern Partnership priority Germany should place greater emphasis on cooperation with Poland as a component of the EU’s eastern foreign policy. Poland and Germany assume a special role in this matter. The linking of Polish and German interests generates synergies”. Warsaw’s flirt – aimed at attracting Berlin to the EaP programme – at last triggered a response. It might lack some finesse and tact. Nevertheless, better late than never. To prove that this shift in thinking is not accidental, let me cite further:
“The frequently cited dichotomy between a democracy guided by values and the promotion of economic development governed by interests, neither stands the test of a practical political analysis, nor is it conducive to the development of an operational policy. Values and interests are two sides of the same coin: The promotion of the rule of law and transparency, the dismantling of corruption, as well as the development of open markets and economic integration, result from an interest in political and economic stability and form the basis for the development of democracy, pluralism and human rights standards”.
And I must disappoint those in Poland sceptical about German eastern policy: the 8-point standpoint was written in this spirit from the very first letter to the last full stop. Berlin’s political line, its attitude towards EaP countries, together with the rule “Russia first”, is well known in Warsaw, and also broadly criticised; but the fact that Germans themselves make this diagnosis is – in absence of a better word – a progress. After further reading, it occurs that the authors of the standpoint conspired against all Germanophobes in Poland, or even in Eastern Europe.
Straight left:
“Conditionality, which declares certain democratic and constitutional reforms as conditions for cooperation, should be subjected to critical scrutiny as it has little substance in terms of practical politics. Such reforms are the goal and not the precondition for cooperation with states whose transformation is still in a state of flu”
Straight right:
“Experience teaches us that an exclusive focus on the ruling elite at the expense of civil society is an impediment to democratic development. Furthermore, in the event of changing power relations, this can result in a significant loss of influence and long-term difficulties in accessing political communities”.
Hook:
“The experience of eastern enlargement has shown that a realistic accession perspective eases and accelerates the reform process, whilst the absence of such a credible perspective – as in the case of Turkey – has a negative effect on the willingness to reform”.
Uppercut and knock-out:
“The Eastern Partnership is of central importance for the development of a foreign policy strategy for the European Union. It is in Germany’s interest to decisively influence this process. To this end, the Federal Government should appoint a Special Representative for the Eastern Partnership who will coordinate strategic considerations at the national level, establish their political visibility and bring them to bear on the formulation of European foreign policy in a concerted manner”.
And I advise not to stand up before the end of counting – “German Foreign Policy and Eastern Partnership”, besides DGAP’s standard language versions, was published also in Polish, and with Polish readers in mind.
Read the whole document "German Foreign Policy and Eastern Partnership" on The German Concil on Foreign Relations wensite.
Article originally appeared on Eastbook.eu - Portal on Eastern Partnership